How many Chicago public housing residents will be left homeless
by the Chicago Housing Authority's ongoing Plan for Transformation?
The answer to this question should be 'zero.' The CHA is required
by law, after all, to provide replacement housing for all public
housing tenants that will be affected by the agency's 10-year
effort to demolish, rehab and redevelop the agency's entire housing
stock.
But CHA officials apparently have a different interpretation of
their legal responsibilities, as indicated by the recently released
numbers of residents who were relocated during 2002. According to
those figures, a significant number of residents ended up outside
of the public housing system altogether - despite CHA's
responsibility to house every relocated resident.
A total of 725 families were relocated out of their homes in
public housing. Many of these families - 298 to be precise - went
to other public housing units in developments that are not slated
to be closed, like Dearborn Homes and Harold L. Ickes Homes.
Twenty-six lease holders were evicted, disappeared or died. The
largest group of relocated residents, 374 families, moved into the
private market using Housing Choice Vouchers (commonly known as
Section 8s).
Twenty-seven families moved into what CHA is calling
"unsubsidized" housing. That word, "unsubsidized," stuck in my
mind. The average public housing family lives on less than $6,000
per year, or $500 a month, leaving them with much less than what it
takes to rent the average apartment in the city.
Apart from CHA, there are very few affordable apartments in the
city, as indicated by the 30,000 families that are on CHA's own
waiting list. So where are these "unsubsidized" tenants ending up?
In our last issue, Editor-in-Chief Mary C. Johns reported on the
case of Lobeta Holt, a former resident of Robert Taylor Homes who
needs to carry an oxygen tank. Holt was forced to stay on her
aunt's couch after she was denied a Housing Choice Voucher and CHA
was unable to find an apartment in another development accessible
to people with disabilities.
CHA claims that all of the "unsubsidized" tenants have chosen
not to live in CHA. Holt, however, made no such choice. If she
didn't have her aunt's couch, Holt might have ended up in one of
the city's unofficial housing programs. The City of Chicago spent
tens of millions of dollars rehabbing Lower Wacker Drive and
building Millennium Park, and though city officials didn't call
them housing programs, homeless men and women quickly moved in.
The city also doesn't call the viaducts underneath the major
roads and highways housing programs. But that's what they are, as
even the city's own employees are aware. Last month, I noticed a
crew of city employees and workers from the Illinois Department of
Transportation working in the viaducts on the periphery of the
Wicker Park/Bucktown neighborhood on the Near Northwest Side. I've
seen homeless men and women living under the viaducts there for
years.
They have beds and other furnishings stashed in the ledges,
garbage cans near the sidewalks and even grills. On this day,
though, all of those items were being tossed unceremoniously onto
the backs of government trucks, headed for the trash. A worker from
the city Department of Human Services explained to me that the
residents of the neighborhood occasionally complain about the
presence of the homeless and then the crews come out. He lamented
that the city and state workers don't have much to offer the people
under the viaducts.
"The guys you see up in bridges are not wanting to get into the
shelter system," the city worker explained to me. "These are the
chronically homeless. They've been through the system many times."
These homeless people tend to avoid the shelters because of the
curfews, strict rules and crime that pervades those places, he
explained.
Many of the homeless men and women have an income through odd
jobs or social security. The city can offer the men drug treatment
services as well as some short-term assistance with rent or a
security deposit. The most important services, however, are not
part of the city's offerings. Many of the chronically homeless are
mentally ill and the city doesn't offer mental health care services
or affordable apartments for the long-term.
The federal government used to provide money for both housing
and mental health care but these services were cut in the 1980s
during the administration of President Ronald Reagan, the city
worker explained. "There's a lack of affordable housing out there
and to have an apartment, you need a stable income and follow-up
services," he said.
"When you find a guy, you just try to plug them in whenever
possible. "I won't be out of work for a while." Sure enough, the
city worker was right in predicting that he will be busy for the
foreseeable future. Just a few weeks after the clean-up, the
homeless men and women were back under the viaducts.
Twenty-seven families might not sound like a lot. But it was 7
percent of the total number of families CHA moved out of the
authority last year. The agency's lack of concern indicates that
hundreds, maybe thousands of other families will end up under the
viaducts and in the city's other unofficial housing programs.
The CHA's lack of concern over creating more homelessness is not
a surprise, of course. A major problem during the Great Depression
of the 1930s, homelessness virtually disappeared after government
housing programs were created. In the 1980s, when those programs
were cut along with services for the mentally ill, homelessness
reappeared. Even the word "homeless" had to be created to describe
this new phenomenon, since the old words "hobo" and "bum" are now
thought to be derogatory.
Much of the nation was in angry mood in the early 1980s and many
people blamed the homeless for not working hard enough, just as
they blamed single mothers using welfare for not working. By now,
however, we should know better. By not creating enough affordable
housing, we have only succeeded making it harder for middle-class
families to find appropriate housing. By not properly funding
education, job training programs or welfare programs, we have
produced millions who are ill-prepared for the workforce.
We also should have learned that failing to care for everyone in
our society costs all of us dearly. Each mentally ill person who is
left untreated is a potentially productive citizen who will not
find his or her way into the workforce and who society will take
care of, when their illness erupts and sends them into our public
hospitals and prisons. Each incarcerated youth requires more
dollars to keep him or her in prison than it would cost to send him
or her to college.
Given the overall lack of concern - even contempt - for those in
need, the CHA's diffidence over its creation of more homelessness
is predictable. But there is a critical difference between Chicago
public housing and the other issues I mentioned. While there is no
law requiring us to house the homeless, the CHA is legally required
to house its residents.
CHA is one of the few places left where compassion is not
optional. The CHA's failure to take responsibility for adding to
the homelessness in the city, therefore, is worse than just our
society's everyday failures to take responsibility for taking care
of those in need. CHA's failure is a blow to all of those who
respect the laws of our land.
I do believe that one day, our national mood will change and we
will recognize that it is both better and cheaper to prioritize
housing, education and health care over tax cuts, prison
construction and military adventures. It's better and cheaper for
middle-income Americans most of all, since they are the main ones
whose taxes currently pay for those military adventures, prison
construction as well as the emergency mental health services,
police officers, social workers and other institutions which handle
crises.
The question for CHA residents is whether our society will come
to a new consensus before today's residents find themselves
sleeping on couches or under bridges.